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Many nations invite foreigners to work in their country, but few welcome them, and only very few welcome them and offer equal rights as citizens. This work shows how five of these countries - Australia, Canada, Israel, New Zealand and the United States - try to assimilate their new citizens. ... Read more

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This work provides a concise description of the Arab-Israeli conflict, followed by an analysis of the targets sought by the Arab parties to the conflict, the ideologies to which the Arabs have been adhering, and the crisis of conflict due to ideological differences. ... Read more

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Kook makes the provocative argument that membership in democracies is inherently exclusionary, and that national exclusion is a tacit requirement for successfully democratic regimes. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

A quintessential case study
Living in a country like Israel, which is beset by fateful ongoing conflicts from within and without, one is torn between impulses of appeasement and revenge, diplomacy and force, empathy and despair. A particularly difficult dilemma arises when dealing with hate-and-violence rhetoric against the Other - rhetoric which, ipso facto, challenges the selfsame democratic system that allows it to exist in the first place. It is this "catch of democracy" that Raphael Cohen-Almagor examines in The Boundaries of Liberty and Tolerance: the Struggle Against Kahanism in Israel. As a layperson in the disciplines upon which he draws - philosophy, jurisprudence, political science - I approached the book with some trepidation. Much to my relief, though, I found that it to be reader-friendly yet extremely thorough in attempting to delineate the boundaries of liberty and tolerance in a democracy.

From the outset, the decision to allow a racist demagogue like Kahane to run for a seat in the Israeli legislature raised ethical issues of the most troubling kind. The decision to revoke that privilege was no less troubling: as they fought to have Kahanism outlawed, advocates of tolerance and democracy came under bitter attack for defying the very principle which they claimed to support. The book provides a reasoned, thoughtful and comprehensive explanation of the ethical questions underlying this problematic position. And as we know only too well, no country is immune from such questions; i.e. from the emergence of would-be political parties brandishing blatantly racist or xenophobic slogans, or advocating blatantly racist or xenophobic measures. The analysis set forth in the book examines the most sensitive implications of such a development, particularly the need to reconcile the sacrosanct principles of freedom of speech, on the one hand, with the obligation to stem any tangible threat to democracy, on the other. In trying to gain a better understanding of this complex paradox, I found Cohen-Almagor's lucid description of the distinction between freedom of expression, per se, and infringements of the Harm and Offense Principles particularly enlightening.

I too believe, like the author (and indeed, who doesn't?), in the solution outlined in Epilogue - education - as the ultimate means of delegitimizing and eventually eradicating racist politics. And yet, while pursuing the educational route, it also behooves us to continue grappling with the excruciating moral and legal dilemmas which these politics force upon us. I would heartily recommend Cohen-Almagor's book as a quintessential case study, capable of shedding light on one of the most problematic challenges to the democratic system.

A work that should fascinate and provoke democrats
Raphael Cohen-Almagor maps the course of the struggle against Meir Kahane in the Israeli courts and legislature. But he places it firmly in the context of the traditional controversy over the limits of toleration,providing us with a rigorous examination of the damage principle as itapplies to speech and expression. He forces us to face the question why, ifwe refuse to tolerate the damage done by thefts, assault, fraud or murder,we should tolerate the potential damage that can be brought about byaggressive or violent speech. His work blends together politicalphilosophy, contemporary history, and constitutional theory. It deservesthe close attention of students of all three disciplines. But it shouldfascinate and provoke also all those who wish to confront what is probablythe principal dilemma of the modern democratic practice.

A significant edition to political philosophy
As long as men and women strive to civilize their society the problem of tolerance will remain, because the urge toward intolerance will not go away. The achievement of Dr. Cohen-Almagor's work is that it adds to ourknowledge and awareness of this central problem of politics. His argumentsare made in the context of classical liberal thought, of practicalpolitics, and of jurisprudence.

A rare blend of philosophical skill & political sensitivity
A rare blend of philosophical skill & political sensitivity, of detached analytical and critical attitude and deep ethical concern and commitment to liberal democracy.

Shows the Tragedy of the Modern Jewish State
This book, although not particularly well written or well researched, does prove how the government of Israel targeted Rabbi Kahane. Both right-wing and left-wing governments violated Israel's own laws in order to try andstop Rabbi Kahane's rising popularity among Israel's young people. Whilemembers of the Labor party illegally negotiated with the PLO and have stillnot been prosecuted, Rabbi Kahane, an Orthodox rabbi, was accused of beinga racist .. even though racism was not defined. The real tragedy that thebook uncovers is that Rabbi Kahane, was immorally and illegally silencedbecause no one had answers to the uncomfortable questions that he raised.This book is anti-Kahane. For a more fair look a Rabbi Kahane's impact onIsrael readers should look for Jay Shapiro's Meir Kahane: A Litmus Test forIsrael's Democracy. ... Read more

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The Israel Yearbook on Human Rights - an annual published under the auspices of the Faculty of Law of Tel Aviv University since 1971- is devoted to publishing studies by distinguished scholars in Israel and other countries on human rights in peace and war, with particular emphasis on problems relevant to the State of Israel and the Jewish people. The Yearbook also incorporates documentary materials relating to Israel and the Administered Areas which are not otherwise available in English (including summaries of judicial decisions, compilations of legislative enactments and military proclamations).Volume 35 contains articles on the topic of Homeland Security and Combating Terrorism. ... Read more

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After 1948 many opponents of apartheid were forced out of South Africa. This account draws upon interviews with many of those involved to examine how those activists who came to the United Kingdom developed political organizations, social networks, ideologies and identities that supported their time in exile. It examines the Anti-Apartheid Movement and the African National Congress in exile and documents the violent attempts by the South African government to control exile activity. Finally, it investigates how exiles came to terms with the possibility that they might return. ... Read more

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Product Description
The "Israel Yearbook on Human Rights" - an annual published under the auspices of the Faculty of Law of Tel Aviv University since 1971 - is devoted to publishing studies by scholars in Israel and other countries on human rights in peace and war, with particular emphasis on problems relevant to the State of Israel and the Jewish people. The Yearbook also incorporates documentary materials, relating to Israel and the Administered Areas, which are not otherwise available in English (including summaries of judicial decisions, compilations of legislative enactments and military proclamations). Volume 25 contains, among others, articles on the Israel Supreme Court and the Law of Belligerent Occupation; the Gaza and Jericho Autonomy and Human Rights; and the contribution of Latin America to the development of the International Court of Justice. ... Read more

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The decisions of the Supreme Court of Israel in cases relating to the Occupied Territories. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Occupied (System of) Justice
Could a just legal system endure over 35 years of occupation? David Kretzmer - who examines in this book the jurisprudence of the Israeli Supreme Court relating the territories occupied by Israel since 1967 - is leaving the reader to answer this question. Through this fascinating book, though, he gives a detailed and careful discussion of the legal decisions regarding petitions that challenged policies and actions by the authorities and exhibits through them the way this court operates. Kretzmer shows that the Court has ruled not only contrary to the international law - by approving deportations, house demolitions, and actually legitimizing the Israeli settlements policy - but also contrary to its own interpretation principle. This principle gives presumption to individual human rights when they clash with the authorities' power to restrict them. Contrary to that, the Court's decisions relating to the Occupied Territories are government-minded.

In the first part of the book, Kretzmer gives a clear theoretical and legal basis, by explaining the substantive norms atwork in the Supreme Court, distinguishing between jurisdiction and justiciability and and shedding light on the question ofapplicability of international law to the Occupied Territories. In the second part, he discusses the Court's decisions relating to two major political issues: establishment of Israeli settlements and the status of Palestinian residents of those territories. The third part examines the manner the Court has handled petitions challenging security measures against Palestinian residents - house demolitions, deportations, limitations on personal liberty and more.

Kretzmer - a professor of international law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Vice-Chairperson of the United Nations Human Rights Committee - is far from being simplistic. In his work, he keeps the professional and careful job of an academic jurist and let it speak for itself. He withdraws from popular (and political) sweeping arguments, and concentrates on careful examination of the judicial decisions themselves, in light of the norms that the same Court has undertook to apply. He draws a distinction between substantive matters, in which the court indeed failed to intervene, and the procedural constraints on the use of governmental powers, which the Court made an effort to strengthen. He sees the difference between judges being independent and being neutral. The latter is impossible when it has to do not with dispute between authorities and individuals, but between the first and what is perceived to be involving an attack on the very authority and interests of the state itself, by its enemies. He draws his conclusions in his discreet and understatement way, which shows very effectively how Israel occupies not only land and persons, but also the justice system itself. ... Read more

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Uri Davis explores the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and charges that Israel has acted in blatant violation of most UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, including amassing weapons of mass destruction in violation of international law.Based on his conclusions, Davis then debates whether Israel deserves its reputation in the West as the Middle East's democratic exception.
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Customer Reviews (3)

Apartheid
Both South Africa and Israel engaged in ethnic cleansing on a massive scale. In the late 1880's Palestine was ninty eight percent Arab. Even after waves of colonial settlers, Arabs were about 90 percent of the population. When the European powers decided to partition Palestine, two thirds of it's inhabitants were Arab. They were provided with only 45 percent of the land. No one would find that acceptable. In the ensuing conflict, the Zionists engaged in systematic ethnic cleaning. Most of the indeginous population was driven out. While the Israelis have claimed for years that the Arabs willingly abandoned their land, we know from documentary evidence sealed in Israeli archives for half a century that that was not the case. The land belonging to the Arabs was expropriated for the exclusive use by Jews. The Arabs who did not flee also had most of their land expropriated. Many of the Arabs ended up as stateless people living in Gaza and the West Bank. Although the Geneva Conventions provides that civilians who flee during war time are the right to return to their land, this right was denied to them by the Israeli government. The destuction of there farms and villages wasa violation of the forth Geneva Convention. Denying Palestinians the right to return is also a violation of UN resolutions. A Jew from any where in the world can come to Israel and live on the land expropriated from the ethnically cleansed Arabs. An Arab cannot return to the very land on which he was born and raised. To a Zionist, this is perfectly reasonable.
The claim that their were no massacres of Arab civilians is preposterous. These massacres are well documented by Israeli historians such as Morris and Pappe.
South Africa also engaged in massive ethnic cleansing, forcing Africans into nominally independent countries that were not economically viable. The Israelis have adopted the same approach. The West Bank and Gaza are essentially Bantustans that will be surrounded by Jewish settlers. Much of the land on the West Bank is already under permanent Israeli control. The Israeli's control the water, taking 80 percent of the water from the aquafir under the West Bank for themselves.
Israelis non Jewish citizens don't have the same rights as Jews. They cannot marry someone from the West Bank or else where and live in Israel. A Jew can marry from outside the country and have the person be a citizen. Unlike Jews, they cannot have a family member come from another country to live with them. Non Jews are educated separately from Jews, just like American blacks were before the Brown decision. Arab schools are provided with far fewer resources than the schools for Jews. To a Zionist, separate and unequal is a good thing as long it as it is the Arab who is getting the short end of the straw. Jews living in the West Bank can vote in Israel.Palestinians pay taxes to Israel but can't vote or use the Jews Only roads. Arab towns are starved of resources. Of the sixty one poorest towns in Israel, forty eight are Arab. Arabs make up only 3.7 percent of the government work force. Of the 5000 university professors in Israel, only around 50 are Arab. Arabs are not permitted to serve in the armed forces by law. The government makes service in the armed forces a requirement for receiving social services. This effectively deprives them of the same benefits enjoyed by Jews.
Just like in South Africa, all citizens have to carry cards that identify their religion.
There is both overt legal discrimination against Arabs as well as de facto discrimination. I have know Jews who grew up in South Africa who left Israel because they found it to be more racist than South Africa was under apartheid.
This book is important because it will deepen the world communities understanding of the apartheid like practices of the Zionist state.

Self hate and fabrication
This book must beg the question first of "What is Apartheid".Apartheid was a system of racial segregation practiced in South Africa, a term like `Ethnic cleansing, that jumps from one conflict and is now used with haste to explain other conflicts and unjust behavior, in this instance Israel.But Apartheid is a term that really invokes what happened in South Africa where 90% of the population was kept from the government, and given barely 17% of the land.In South Africa everything was segregated, from hotels to toilets.

This is in stark contrast to Israel where nothing is segregated, where Jews and Muslims live side by side and where the majority of the people also own a majority of the land.In Israel all political parties are represented in the Knesset and although this book doesn't admit it, the Arabs have three political parties that have members of the Knesset, the Israeli parliament.So from the first page this book is Disingenuous to the topic.

But beyond the fabrications in pretending that Israel in any way models South Africa one must delve deeper into the fabrications that exist in this text.This book is honest in explaining that Israel was and is a Jewish state, for Jews and that the `Right of Return'applied to those who had at least one Jewish grandparent.What this book doesn't explain is that for this reason the law of return granted any persecuted Jew a place to go as a refugee,something no nation had done for the millions of Jews trying to flee Germany in 1939.Beyond these many fabrications or simply twisting of history this book also claims that 1948 was a `massacre'.But the truth is the only massacre of the 1948 war in Israel took place in Gush Etzion where 150 Jews who surrendered where massacred by the Arab Irregular forces.This of course is not mentioned and this book merely parrots the propaganda.

This is a sad testimony to how history can be changed, how facts can be twisted and how pure propaganda can pass for academic scholarship.

Seth J. Frantzman

A contribution to the understanding of the Israel system
Uri Davis has been at the forefront of the defence of human rights in Israel since the mid-1960s; at the cutting edge of critical research on Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the mid-1970s; and an Observer Member of the Palestine National Council (PNC) since the mid-1980s.

In this book, a sequel to Israel: An Apartheid State first published by Zed Books one and a half decades ago, Uri Davis provides a critical insight into such questions as how was it possible for a people, the Jewish people, victims of Nazi genocide during the occupation of Europe in World War II, to subject the Palestinian people, beginning with the 1948-49 war, to such war criminal policies as mass deportation, transfer and ethnic cleansing, followed by military government, prolonged curfews, roadblocks, and economic, social, cultural, civil and political strangulation, punctuated by Apache helicopters strafing civilian residences and targeting civilian individuals.

Since its establishment in 1948 Israel has acted in blatant violation of most UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, amassing weapons of mass destruction in flagrant violation of international law. How is it then possible for Israel, her rogue governments and apartheid legislation notwithstanding, to still largely maintain her projection of "the only democracy in the Middle East" and effectively veil the apartheid cruelty it has perpetrated against the Palestinian people?

In the course of outlining answers to these and related questions, Uri Davis follows the progressive departure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from its declared political programme as articulated in the Palestinian Declaration of Independence of 1988; the demise of the PLO, beginning with the "Oslo peace process"; and the struggle within Israel against Israeli apartheid, assisted by a worldwide mobilization of Palestine solidarity, in support of the rights of the Palestinian people.

The object of this book is to contribute to the development of a moral understanding, a political framework and a climate of opinion in the West that will support in politically responsible terms international sanctions against the rogue government of the state of Israel, with the aim to dismantle the apartheid structures of the state of Israel as a Jewish state in the political Zionist sense of the term (for Jews only), and assist with the establishment of a democratic (confederal, federal or unitary) state of Palestine in conformity with the values of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the standards of international law.

Uri Davis is Honorary Research Fellow, Institute for Middle Eastern & Islamic Studies (IMEIS), University of Durham and Institute of Arab & Islamic Studies (IAIS), University of Exeter; Coordinator, Regional Editorial Group for the Middle East, Citizenship Studies; Chairman, Al-Beit: Association for the Defence of Human Rights in Israel, Arara; Founder Member of the Movement Against Israeli Apartheid in Palestine (MAIAP).


Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the Struggle Within, Zed Books, London, 2003 Table of Contents

Foreword
Acknowledgements
Preface

Chapter One: Zionism
Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust
Transfer and Massacre
World Zionist Organization and its Political Goals
Achieving the Goals of Political Zionism
Regularizing the Irregular: The Regulation of Apartheid in Israel
The Veiling of Israeli Apartheid
The Case of the South African Forest, Golani Junction

Chapter Two: Israel
The Establishment of the State of Israel as a Jewish State
Israel and the UN
Who is a Jew and the Question of Palestinian Return
Israeli-Palestinian Dialogue
The Female Snake and The Taste of Mulberries

Chapter Three: Israeli Apartheid
Israel and South Africa: Two Forms of Apartheid
Jewish Presence, Arab Absence: Registration of Births, Citizenship and Residence
The Histadrut: Continuity and Change
The Case of Sa'ad Murtada, First Egyptian Ambassador to Israel

Chapter Four: Political Repression in Israel
Defence (Emergency) Regulations of 1945
The 1980 Knesset Legislation
The 2002 Knesset Legislation

Chapter Five: Possibilities for the Struggle Within
The Defeat of the PLO in Oslo
Assessing the Danger of Palestinian Defeat at the Peace Negotiations
Israel's Zionist Society
Kibbutz, Moshav and Community Settlement: The Masquerade
The Movement against Israeli Apartheid in Palestine (MAIAP)
Who is a Hebrew
The Story of Qatzir and That's One Small Step for Adil and Iman Qaadan and
One Giant Leap Towards the Democratization of the State of Israel

Appendices

Appendix I: Vladimir Jabotinsky, "The Iron Wall" (Excerpts);
Appendix II: David Ben-Gurion, "Statement of Introduction of the Law of Return Before the Knesset" (Excerpt);
Appendix III: Naim Khader: "The Democratic State" and "Armed Struggle" (Excerpts);
Appendix IV: AL-BEIT: Association for the Defence of Human Rights in Israel;
Appendix V: The Palestinian Declaration of Independence.

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The Israel Yearbook on Human Rights -- an annualpublished under the auspices of the Faculty of Law of Tel AvivUniversity since 1971 -- is devoted to publishing studies bydistinguished scholars in Israel and other countries on human rightsin peace and war, with particular emphasis on problems relevant to theState of Israel and the Jewish people. The Yearbook alsoincorporates documentary materials, relating to Israel and theAdministered Areas, which are not otherwise available in English(including summaries of judicial decisions, compilations oflegislative enactments and military proclamations). ... Read more

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These essays by a leading Israeli historian focus on Israeli decisions and the reasons behind the mass Arab exile from Palestine in 1948. Benny Morris addresses the transfer of Majdal's Arabs to Gaza in 1950, the initial absorption of the Palestinian refugees in Arab host countries in 1948-9, and why some Arabs remained in their villages. He then explores attitudes toward the Palestinian Arabs from the 1948 war to the differing perspectives of Israel's two main parties. By examining past and present Israeli historiography, Morris identifies and analyzes the major points of controversy between the "old" official Israeli histories and the "new" histories of the 1980s and beyond. ... Read more

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Brilliant History
1948 and After is an addendum to Morris' famous The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem.Written a few years after that work, here Morris broadens that first historical inquiry, providing a response to his critics in the first essay, "The New Historiography: Israel and its Past," a cogent treatment of the trajectory of the writing of the State of Israel's history.Then Morris provides a series of essays on the Israeli Defense Forces Intelligence Analysis of the Arab Exodus, Yosef Weitz and the Transfer Committees, the flight of Haifa's Arabs, the harvest of Arab crops in 1948, the case of four Arab communities which were not deported/fled during the 1948 conflict, and particularly fascinating, an essay on the initial absorption of Palestinian refugees in Arab host countries; the work ends with an essay on the transfer of Al Majad's Arabs to Gaza in 1950.Like all of Morris' work, 1948 and After is well researched, documented, clearly written, and nuanced.For those who wish to write rigorous and fair history, Morris' work is a great model.

Nice follow-up to Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem
This book, a series of somewhat related essays on the subject, has neither the impact nor the focus of the original work.It is a good book, however, and it fills in some interesting details. ... Read more

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The Israel Yearbook on Human Rights- an annual published under the auspices of the Faculty of Law of Tel Aviv University since 1971- is devoted to publishing studies by distinguished scholars in Israel and other countries on human rights in peace and war, with particular emphasis on problems relevant to the State of Israel and the Jewish people. The Yearbook also incorporates documentary materials relating to Israel and the Administered Areas which are not otherwise available in English (including summaries of judicial decisions, compilations of legislative enactments and military proclamations).Volume 32 contains, amongst others, articles on the War on Terrorism. ... Read more

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The Israel Yearbook on Human Rights -- an annualpublished under the auspices of the Faculty of Law of Tel AvivUniversity since 1971 -- is devoted to publishing studies bydistinguished scholars in Israel and other countries on human rightsin peace and war, with particular emphasis on problems relevant to theState of Israel and the Jewish people. The Yearbook alsoincorporates documentary materials, relating to Israel and theAdministered Areas, which are not otherwise available in English(including summaries of judicial decisions, compilations oflegislative enactments and military proclamations). Volume 30 contains, amongst others, articles on HumanitarianProtection in non-international armed conflicts. ... Read more

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The Israel Yearbook on Human Rights -- an annualpublished under the auspices of the Faculty of Law of Tel AvivUniversity since 1971 -- is devoted to publishing studies bydistinguished scholars in Israel and other countries on human rightsin peace and war, with particular emphasis on problems relevant to theState of Israel and the Jewish people. The Yearbook alsoincorporates documentary materials, relating to Israel and theAdministered Areas, which are not otherwise available in English(including summaries of judicial decisions, compilations oflegislative enactments and military proclamations). Volume 26 contains amongst others articles on The Essence ofDemocracy; Democracy in International Relations; The Threats toDemocracy; and Democracy in Israel and the Palestinian Authority. ... Read more

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Leaders around the globe have long turned to the armed forces as a "school for the nation." Debates over who serves continue to arouse passion today because the military's participation policies are seen as shaping politics beyond the military, specifically the politics of identity and citizenship. Yet how and when do these policies transform patterns of citizenship? Military service, Ronald R. Krebs argues, can play a critical role in bolstering minorities' efforts to grasp full and unfettered rights. Minority groups have at times effectively contrasted their people's battlefield sacrifices to the reality of inequity, compelling state leaders to concede to their claims. At the same time, military service can shape when, for what, and how minorities have engaged in political activism in the quest for meaningful citizenship. Employing a range of rich primary materials, Krebs shows how the military's participation policies shaped Arab citizens' struggles for first-class citizenship in Israel from independence to the mid-1980s and African Americans' quest for civil rights, from World War I to the Korean War. Fighting for Rights helps us make sense of contemporary debates over gays in the military and over the virtues and dangers of liberal and communitarian visions for society. It suggests that rhetoric is more than just a weapon of the weak, that it is essential to political exchange, and that politics rests on a dual foundation of rationality and culture. ... Read more

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Purchase includes free access to book updates online and a free trial membership in the publisher's book club where you can select from more than a million books without charge. Chapters: Jenin, Jenin, the Film That Wasn't, Defence Regulations, M.k. 22, Barricades, Israeli Military Censor, Editors Committee, Censorship in Israel, the Vulture. Excerpt:Barricades Barricades ( ) was one of the first documentary films created for Israeli television . It tells the story of two families, one Jewish and the other Palestinian , who both lost children during Israel 's War of Independence , known to Palestinians as the Naqba , or "Catastrophe." The film, directed by Ram Loevy , caused considerable controversy when it aired on 1 August 1972. It was the first time that an Arab viewers had a chance to experience the emotional significance of the Holocaust for Jews, and it was also the first time that Israeli Jews had an opportunity to experience the emotional significance of the Naqba to the Palestinian people. Loevy first came up with the idea behind the documentary in 1968, while studying film in London . As a Hebrew-language broadcaster for the BBC , he had proposed creating a documentary about the social rifts tearing at Israeli society, with one episode focusing on the conflict between Jews and Palestinians. Although the BBC expressed interest in the project, Loevy returned to Israel soon after to help launch Channel 1 , the country's first attempt at television broadcasting. He did not, however, abandon the idea, albeit in a more reduced format. Back in Israel, Loevy pitched the idea to the Israel Broadcasting Authority , which agreed to fund the project. At the time, Professor Eliyahu Katz, one of the founders of Israeli television, explained that the idea fulfilled one of the major purposes for which television was brought to Israel: to strengthen ties between the Jewish and Arab residents of the country. Loevy made the film in 1969. The plotline focused on two fami... ... Read more